So far, a major part of Donald Trump’s legal strategy in his federal 2020 election meddling case has been to try to push up the start of his March trial until after the election of November 2020.
However, other defence acts have surfaced in recent court filings, according to people familiar with the Trump team’s strategy. These tactics centre on distancing the front-runner for the GOP nomination, Trump, from the US Capitol attack and painting him as the victim of misinformation and overzealous government investigators.
In late November, two discreet court documents from Trump’s legal team provided the most lucid insight into the arguments that the former president’s attorneys may make to a jury in the momentous case. According to the pleadings, his attorneys intend to use the trial to identify federal employees he believes are biased against him, foreign influence, and electoral misinformation that gave him the impression that the 2020 campaign was rigged.
The defence against foreign intervention
Trump’s team has already requested access to additional federal records from a court, including confidential material from his administration, in the hopes that it will strengthen their case that the election results cannot be accepted.
In late November, President Trump’s attorneys claimed in court that the prosecution “cannot blame President Trump for public discord and distrust of the 2020 election results while refusing to turn to proof showing foreign individuals fanned the same flames.”
“Even though some reports were eventually found to be false, evidence of clandestine foreign disinformation operations connected to the 2020 election supports the defence argument that President Trump and others acted in good faith.”
A hack of the SolarWinds programme in December 2020 exposed data at many government agencies and one of the foreign acts they’ve said originated from Russia’s foreign intelligence service. The attack implied that “there were reasonable concerns about the integrity of the election and the possibility of technical penetrations of election infrastructure,” according to a statement from Trump’s legal team.
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In his latest court papers, Trump has also requested access to information about Chinese and Iranian efforts to meddle in US politics. The Justice Department has maintained that it is irrelevant to Trump’s mental state when he publicly promoted false allegations of election fraud and that introducing information in the case about potential false claims by foreign actors may mislead a jury.
Trump team seeks to investigators from the Special Counsel
In an attempt to emphasize that Trump wasn’t charged until Attorney General Merrick Garland established a special counsel in November 2022, his team is also attempting to find out how other federal investigative agencies examined his activities following the 2020 election. Politics-driven attacks on the prosecution might present a chance to support Trump in front of a jury, people familiar with the plan told CNN.
The office of the special counsel is requesting that Judge Tanya Chutkan halt any attempts by Trump’s attorneys to introduce political bias into the material that is presented to have his jury declared invalid. Nullifying is persuading at least one jury to cast a vote in favour of his acquittal despite
The prosecutors handling the current case against Trump are essential to this plan. In 2020 and 2021, they attempted to investigate fictitious claims of fraud and the phoney electors plan for the Justice Department and Michael Sherwin, the former acting US Attorney for the District of Columbia who discussed the potential for sedition charges in connection with the Capitol attack with “60 Minutes.”
To force prosecutors to provide copious amounts of documentation to Trump’s legal team for examination, Trump’s team has requested that the court broaden the legal definition of the prosecution team to include additional organisations, such as the US attorney’s office in Washington, DC. Some of the sources told CNN that this might cause the lawsuit to drag out.
Trump’s legal team wrote to the court in late November, stating that “it is a virtual certainty that there are similar nonpublic documents and private communications relating to this issue, based on public remarks made by USAO-DC attorneys that contradict the Special Counsel’s premise from January 6.”
citing “political bias” in opposition to Trump
Additionally, according to Trump’s team, law enforcement and intelligence community personnel who would testify against him in court may have “political bias.” Nevertheless, several of Trump’s erstwhile allies in the Cabinet, including Vice President Mike Pence, then-Attorney General Bill Barr, and several senior intelligence officers, may be asked to testify against him in court. Many expressed their disapproval of Trump in the following months and spoke out against widespread fraud after the election.
Additionally, Trump’s legal team has stated that he may be asked in court if he thought he would have won the 2020 presidential contest if there hadn’t been massive voting fraud. However, the allegations brought by the prosecution against Trump indicate that they have accumulated substantial proof of senior advisors in his campaign and administration informing him that the outcome meant he could not win, and that he disregarded the information to incite his followers to violence.
In a recent filing, Chutkan was made aware of the several defences that the Justice Department’s special counsel Jack Smith’s office is attempting to disprove before the trial.
Chutkan will decide what exactly the attorneys may show the jury through witnesses and evidence, as well as whether the strategies Trump’s team has alluded to can be employed in the trial.
Days after Christmas, the prosecution filed a motion saying, “The Court should not permit the defendant to turn the courtroom into a forum in which he propagates irrelevant disinformation, and should reject his attempt to inject politics into this proceeding.” Evidence must be related to either one of the accusations in the indictment or a valid defence that is backed by enough evidence; it is not relevant simply because a party says so.
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At now, Chutkan lacks the authority to establish guidelines for the trial and evidence collection while a portion of Trump’s case is being challenged, and Trump is not under any time constraint to reply to the DOJ’s submissions in court.
The federal court in Washington, DC has set March 4 for Trump’s trial; this date falls on the day before the Super Tuesday nominating contests. That deadline, though, may change if Trump pursues his appeals. And the timeline might be quickly advanced by months if the appellate courts take their time making rulings.
Most likely, the DC Circuit Court of Appeals will cause the delay. On January 9, it will hear arguments regarding whether Trump’s immunity from prosecution as a criminal defendant stems from his position as president and the impeachment trial, in which the US Senate found him not guilty after the January 6 attack.
Before Trump’s trial starts, the Supreme Court is probably going to be asked to consider those matters as well.
In addition, Trump is still pursuing challenges on the October gag order Chutkan imposed on him, which the DC Circuit just improved.
The former president has maintained that the injustice of that order should cause his trial to be postponed until after the election, but the courts have not agreed with him on that point.